bbc纪录片：BBC英国史（九）：Revolutions 英国资产阶级革命（视频）_沪江英语学习网
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bbc纪录片：BBC英国史（九）：Revolutions 英国资产阶级革命（视频）
BBC关于英国历史的纪录片《BBC英国史 A History of Britain》
对于一个不了解英国历史的人来说，本片是很好的教材。本片再现了英国文明的成长历程，从巨石文化的新石器时代到辉煌的伊丽莎白时代，穿越17世纪暴乱的国内战争到日不落大不列颠帝国。这是一个生动的、有些情景可以说是血腥的故事。《A History of Britain》由15个章节组成，喜欢英式英语发音的人士必须收藏的一套材料。
第09章：Revolutions 英国资产阶级革命（）
内战的结果是英国成为由奥利佛&克伦威尔领导的无君主的共和体。克伦威尔通过强暴的手段进行统治。当议会公然挑战的他的权威，他攻击议会并将它关闭了。他除了给自己起了一个冠冕堂皇的名字之外，一切所作所为与国王毫无差别。但当克伦威尔死后，查尔斯二世复辟了帝国。
英语字幕文本：
On January 30th, 1649, the English killed their king.
It had happened before - all those Edwards and Richards done in by their subjects.
But this was different.
The British monarchy itself had been exterminated.
Now there was just the people and its parliament, the keepers of the liberties of England.
What use was freedom when you were frightened?
What the people really wanted to know was - who would keep them safe?
Who'd stop the soldiers burning and , allow people to sleep quietly in their beds?
Who'd protect them from the wars of religion and politics which seemed to go on and on and on?
Would it be parliament or would it be a great general like Oliver Cromwell?
&It doesn't matter,& said hard-headed philosopher Thomas Hobbes, a royalist who'd come back to Cromwell's England.
&What the country needs is a strong ruler &who embodies ALL the people.
&Whatever or whoever can save the country from anarchy, &whatever can save you from yourselves.
&Never mind about what's right or wrong.
&Put yourself in the hands of the power that protects, &the all-powerful Leviathan.&
If that's Oliver Cromwell, then so be it.
It 's the reasonable thing to do.
The Scots, the English and the Irish were not about to be reasonable.
They were much too busy being righteous.
Over the next half century, righteousness would kill a lot of the British.
At the end, reason would appear, but not before a lot of tears had been shed.
Tears of rapture and tears of grief.
Not everyone was lying awake at night biting their nails about the plight of kingless Britain.
For many, this was the dawn of a new age.
No one had foreseen this during the civil wars, but in giving them victory, the Almighty had shown them that Albion must be turned into Jerusalem.
He had lain the Stuart kings in the dust.
The only king to follow now was King Jesus, and the only true government that of his saints.
Let them sing aloud, let the high praise of God be in their mouth and a two-edged sword in their hand!
The kingdom of God was at hand, the most blessed revolution of all.
No one was more convinced of this than Albion's holy warrior - Oliver Cromwell.
Religion was not at first the thing contended for, but God brought it to that issue and at last it proved that which was most dear to us.
Cromwell called himself &a seeker&, and what he sought all his life was God's destiny for himself and for his country.
At first, he'd been innocent of the Lord's design.
For years, he'd led the life of an obscure East Anglian country gentleman.
As Cromwell began to make his way in the world, some sort of crisis happened to his modest fortune.
But what the world might have seen as misfortune was, through the cunning of the Almighty, his saving grace.
He underwent some kind of religious conversion.
The vanities were stripped away so he might be opened to the light.
Oh, I lived in and loved darkness and hated the light!
This is true.
I hated Godliness, yet God had mercy on me.
Oh, the riches of His mercy! The sense that God had some special service for him made a new man of Cromwell.
He knew where he was going.
He knew what had to be done.
He must tear the sword out of the hands of the untrustworthy, Papist-loving king.
He went to war as a complete novice with no military experience.
His sense of divine appointment was his armour.
It made him supremely confident, cool under fire, but never reckless.
An aura of invincibility began to cling to him.
He became the driving force of the Godly Revolution.
When the vanquished king defied God's judgement, his blood was needed to expiate the crime.
But it became obvious that doing away with the monarch was no guarantee of doing away with the monarchy.
For if Charles couldn't be among his subjects in person, his proxy could.
The Greek word 'icon' means both an image and a copy.
The &Eikon Basilike&, the spitting image of the king, appeared within a week of his execution.
It was an instant bestseller, going through 35 editions in a year, and it made Charles an imperishable martyr...
...a latter-day Christ sacrificed for the sins of his people.
Like Christ, Charles would be resurrected wearing his heavenly crown and made flesh in the person of his son, Charles II, awaiting the call from exile in France.
The poet John Milton, a champion of the
Commonwealth, was hired to attack the cult of the king martyr as so much wicked idolatry, to persuade the fearful and gullible they didn't need a Charles I.
In fact, they didn't need any Stuart monarch.
&Look,& he wanted to say, &just stop worrying about the dead king.
&You're the sovereign now.
Come to think of it, you've always been the sovereign.
&Kings have been yours to hire or fire.&
But when Cromwell and Milton told the people that it was time for them to govern themselves, they didn't, of course, mean to be taken literally.
Every jumped-up weaver or ploughman with some sixpenny book-learning appointing himself the magistrate of Mucking-on-the-Wold, granting himself the vote?
Heaven forbid! That way lay chaos.
No, the people should put the government into the hands of the kind of men God saw fittest to exercise it - incorruptible men of substance and piety.
&Oh, I see,& said free-born John Lilburne, the Leveller, an ex-army officer who wanted to level the distance between the mighty and the humble, the rich and the poor.
&The same kind of people who got us into this mess.&
We've all known a John Lilburne, some of us have even been John Lilburne.
First at the barricades, first to be arrested, won't shut up!
But love him or hate him, you know he won't go away.
To Cromwell, he was a pain in the neck, a dangerous loudmouth, capable of wrecking discipline in the army.
Lilburne, for his part, detested the new regime.
All you intended when you set us fighting was to unhorse our old riders and tyrants so that you might get up and ride in their stead.
The soldiers read Freeborn John and believed they should have a vote.
Give them an inch and they take a mile and, pretty soon, they'd start believing their officers were the tyrants Lilburne and the Levellers said they were.
They had to be stopped.
An army was not, repeat not, a commune.
I tell you, you have no other way to deal with these men, but to break them or they will break you.
Yea, and bring all the guilt of the blood and treasure shed and spent in this kingdom upon your heads and shoulders and frustrate and make void all that work that with so many years' industry, toil and pains you have done.
I tell you again, you are necessitated to break them.
Off to the Tower went the Leveller leaders like so many traitors.
Then something astounding happened.
A petitioning campaign to demand the Levellers' release was mobilised in London by Leveller women.
For the Puritans, the cardinal virtues of women were silence and meekness.
But these women were shameless, obstinate, loud-mouthed, and, it has to admitted, brave.
Leveller women had always been involved in the movement's campaigns.
Elizabeth Lilburne had been politicised through her efforts to spring her husband from one prison or another.
Mary Overton had been brutally punished for printing and distributing her husband's tracts.
Tied to a cart and dragged through London's streets with her six-month-old baby, pelted and abused like a common whore.
But the most impassioned and articulate of the sisters was Katherine Chidley.
She started as a charismatic preacher and turned to politics in an attempt to make the Commonwealth understand the particular sufferings of her sex.
We have an equal share and interest with men in the Commonwealth, and it cannot be laid waste.
Considering that poverty, misery and famine, like a mighty torrent, is breaking in upon us and we are not able to see our children hang upon us and cry out for bread and not have wherewithal to feed them, we had rather die than see that day!
This was not what Oliver Cromwell had expected from Jerusalem.
It got worse.
In May 1649, some hundreds of soldiers mutinied and tried to combine forces in Oxfordshire.
Cromwell rode hell for leather - 50 miles in a day - and caught them in the middle of the night at Burford.
One of the prisoners, Anthony Sedley, locked in the church, expecting the worst, carved his name into the font.
The next morning, three of his comrades were led into the churchyard and shot.
Then Oliver went off to get an honorary degree in law from Oxford.
He made sure that the mutinous soldiers were shipped off to a place where they could vent their frustration on someone else.
&Angry, are we?& was his line.
&Want to know who's to blame for prolonging the civil wars?&
Say hello to the Antichrist across the Irish Sea.
The target of Cromwell's march through blood was an army of royalists holding out in Ireland in the name of the king's son.
It was as much Protestant as Catholic, but in his conviction they were the legions of the Devil, Cromwell was not about to make nice distinctions.
At Drogheda, on the main road between Dublin and Ulster, he made it only too clear what he had in mind.
There's no point side-stepping this horror, is there?
This was Cromwell's war crime, an atrocity so hideous, it's contaminated Anglo-Irish history ever since.
We need to get right just what this atrocity was.
What it wasn't was the indiscriminate butchery of women and children.
No eye-witnesses ever claimed to have seen any such thing.
But what Cromwell did order, unhesitatingly and without any mercy, was, in any case, an act of unspeakable murder.
At least 3,000 royalist soldiers were butchered at Drogheda...
...the vast majority after they had surrendered and disarmed.
At St Peter's Church, Cromwell had his soldiers burn the pews beneath the steeple to smoke out the defenders, who were incinerated in the flames.
The General saw no need to hang his head about the massacre.
We are come to break the power of lawless rebels who, having cast off the authority of England, live as enemies to human society, whose principles are to destroy and subjugate all men not complying with them.
We come by the assistance of God to hold forth and maintain the lustre and glory of English liberty in a nation where we have an undoubted right to it.
This is absolutely authentic Oliver Cromwell and today it makes for unbearable reading.
No, it's not the confession of a genocidal lunatic.
It IS the confession of a narrow-minded, pig-headed Protestant bigot and English imperialist, and that surely is bad enough.
Cromwell treated Ireland like the primitive colony he thought it was, moving the native Irish off their farms and using the land to pay his soldiers.
Before he could finish his pacification, if that's what he thought it was, another piece of unquiet Britain rose up to mock him.
For the Scots had invited the 20-year-old Charles II to come and be their king and went to war on his behalf.
Cromwell lured them into England in the summer of 1651.
The Scottish army found itself caught between two massively bigger forces.
At the Battle of Worcester, on the 3rd September, it went down to a ruinous and irreversible defeat.
Charles went on the run, hidden by royalist sympathisers until he could get smuggled out of the country.
(TRUMPET FANFARE) So when Oliver Cromwell returned to London in the autumn of 1651, it was as an English Caesar, the like of whom had not been seen since the days of Edward I.
If Cromwell was God's Englishman, it was because he felt in his marrow that England was God's true promised land and the best thing for Britain was that it become as English as possible.
The Stuart dream of the united Britain, of course, had been what had started the civil wars.
Now Cromwell had ended them by making that dream a reality.
Not as a united kingdom, but as a united republic of Great Britain.
But what kind of republic was it supposed to be?
Cromwell knew the county was exhausted from almost 15 years of war.
It was time, as he said, &to heal and settle&.
But this didn't mean business as usual.
Surely God didn't mean for so much blood and treasure to have been spilled only so that ungodly lawyers and money brokers could get richer?
That seemed to be the way things were going under the parliament - the keeper of the liberties of England, as it styled itself.
It still sat as it had when its members were purged by the army to allow the king's trial to proceed, ridiculed by its enemies as the &Rump&.
To Cromwell, the Rump was a monstrosity, a bastion of selfishness and greed, more like Sodom than Jerusalem.
Worst of all, it showed no signs at all of wanting ever to close down.
When it designed a bill to replace old members and keep itself going indefinitely, this was the last straw.
On April 20th, 1653, Cromwell marched down to Westminster in the company of a troop of musketeers.
Moses was descending from the mountain and he was not a happy prophet!
At first, it seemed as though the Member for Cambridge might behave himself.
Cromwell sat in his usual seat, he doffed his hat, he asked the Speaker respectfully if he might address the House.
He even commended the Rump for its care of the public good, but as he warmed to his task, niceties were tossed aside and he began to berate the astounded members for their indifference to justice and to piety.
&I expect you think this is not parliamentary language,& he said.
&Well, I confess, it is not, &and neither are you to expect any such from me.& The hat went back on, always a very bad sign.
Cromwell marched up and down the chamber, shouting that the Lord had done with them and had chosen instruments more worthy of their calling.
Some poor soul tried to stop him in full spate, but Cromwell was in exterminating angel mode and brushed him aside contemptuously.
&You are no parliament!& he bellowed, &I say, you are no parliament!&
With that, he called in the musketeers.
The boots entered heavily, noisily.
Parliament was shut down.
This was a depressingly modern moment, a classic coup d'etat, in fact.
At this point, Cromwell crossed the line from bullying to outright dictatorship.
In so doing, he undid at a stroke the entire point of the war he himself had fought against the king's unparliamentary conduct.
Cromwell liked to claim he was striking a blow against &ambition& and &avarice&, but what he really wounded, and fatally, was the Commonwealth itself.
This is the point at which Cromwell could've seized power, and everyone expected him to.
But Cromwell wasn't working for himself, he was working for God.
In parliament's place, he'd set up an assembly of men hand-picked for their piety.
It would be an assembly of saints, and his language was very different as he exhorted them to go about their business.
Love all the sheep, love the lambs.
Tender all.
But mystical rapture and politics don't go well together.
At least, not in Britain.
In a few months, the unworkable assembly collapsed, its leaders begging Cromwell to put it out of its misery.
He duly obliged.
Now there seemed no alternative but to take the crown - to become Oliver I.
This was still a step too far for a man God had told to punish the haughtiness of kings.
So instead he chose to become a Lord Protector.
That had a good ring to it.
Authority, but not tyranny.
He was king in all but name, but a constitutional sovereign, ruling with a council and a newly-elected parliament.
His great hope was for a settling, but the truth was that the Protector himself was anything but settled about the direction he should take the country.
Should Britain be righteous or reasonable?
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> 英国资产阶级革命 - 初中三年级历史教案
英国资产阶级革命 - 初中三年级历史教案
&&&教学目标& 革命前夕英国资本主义的发展。资产阶级的成长和新贵族的出现。斯图亚特王朝开始统治英国。詹姆士一世和查理一世的专制统治。苏格兰人民起义。1640年议会斗争。纳西比战役。查理一世被处死和英国宣布为共和国。克伦威尔的独裁统治。1660年斯图亚特王朝的复辟。1688年政变。《权利法案》的颁布和君主立宪制的确立。 引导学生分析英国资产阶级革命发生的原因，从而初步认识经济基础和上层建筑的关系。通过分析克伦威尔在历史上所起的作用，提高学生辩证看问题和全面评价历史人物的能力。 通过学习英国资产阶级革命的历史，使学生认识资本主义制度的确立，是一个反复、曲折的过程。英国资产阶级革命的成功．是人类历史上资本主义制度对封建制度的一次重大胜利，是人类历史上的又一重大进步。&教学建议重点分析： 英国资产阶级革命爆发的原因。英国资产阶级革命是早期资产阶级革命的中的典型事件，对整个世界历史进程产生了深远影响。爆发的原因之所以是本节的重点,因为17世纪初,英国资本主义已有较大的发展,资产阶级和新贵族经济力量日益壮大,他们要当权,要发展资本主义.这就和专制的封建王权产生了根本的矛盾.也由于这个矛盾而使革命爆发.了解它爆发的原因，可以使学生明确资本主义发展和资产阶级革命二者的关系，对早期资产阶级革命形成一定的认识。难点分析： 英国资产阶级革命的曲折性。英国资产阶级革命过程中出现过斯图亚特王朝的复辟，证明资产阶级革命并非一帆风顺，中间也会出现波折。初三学生由于年龄和认知水平的因素，对早期资产阶级革命的状况缺乏总体把握，对英国阶级力量的对比认识不清，因此在这个问题的理解上有一定的难度。本节教材地位分析： 17和18世纪世界的主要矛盾是封建主义和资本主义的矛盾。资本主义国家和制度的建立是这一时代的主旋律，而英国资产阶级革命是这个旋律中的重要乐章，对整个世界产生了重要影响。重点突破方案： 认识英国资产阶级革命爆发的原因要从革命发生的社会条件去找寻。针对初中学生的实际情况，教师联系旧知识，并结合教材的新内容连续设问： a新航路的开辟对英国产生了哪些积极影响？ b英国的阶级关系有哪些变化？ c英国资本主义发展遇到的最大的阻碍是什么？ 问题的设置要有体现一定的层次，引导学生认真细致地阅读教材。通过对教材的归纳整理自己得出答案。这样的设计可以培养学生自己阅读教材的能力和归纳整理的能力。充分发挥学生的主体作用。而教师通过对问题的精心设计引导学生，起到了主导作用。但这种作用只是一种辅助作用，不会喧宾夺主。难点突破方案： 通过教学的演示（参照媒体资料的教学课件部分）使学生明确英国资产阶级革命所经历的议会斗争，内战，共和国建立，克伦威尔独裁，斯图亚特王朝复辟，光荣革命，最后确立君主立宪的资产阶级专政的曲折过程。加深学生对英国资产阶级革命的曲折性的理解。在此基础上进一步引导学生分析造成这种曲折的原因又是什么呢？可组织学生分组讨论，在学生充分表达自己观点的基础上，教师进行归纳总结。指出:当时英国资本主义的发展处在工场手工业时期。从阶级力量的对比看，封建势力还大于资产阶级的力量，这就决定了英国资产阶级革命的曲折特点。&示例重点：英国资产阶级革命爆发的原因和历史意义难点：英国资产阶级革命的曲折性教法设计：讲述法；讲解法；历史情境设计法：讨论法。教学过程&： 【导人新课】通过提问复习旧知识引出新知识. （教师营先指导学生阅读课前提示，向学生提出学习要求）从这一课起，我们学习的内容属于世界近代史。我们先了解一下，英国资产阶级革命爆发的原因。 一、英国资产阶级革命爆发的原因（板书） 1．英国资本主义的发展（板书） 17世纪中期，英国已经变成拥有广大殖民地的海上强国了。市场扩大了，财富来说增加了，同时国内工场手工业也已经有了很大的发展。资本主义经济的发展大大加强了资产阶级和 新贵族的势力。当时英国的封建经济基础瓦解了，但是保护它的上层建筑却不愿自动退出历史舞台，成为资本主义进一步发展的严重阻碍。这是英国爆发资产阶级革命的根本原因之一。 2．詹姆士一世鼓吹"君权神授"（板书） 1603年，苏格兰国王詹姆士?斯图亚特继承了英国王位，开始了斯图亚特上朝的统治． （这个王朝的国王家族姓斯图亚特，故名）。詹姆士一世登台便鼓吹"君权神授'．说国王是上帝派到人间的最高权威，有无限的权力。他根本不把议会放在眼里．曾三次解散议会。他不关心英国的海上贸易忽视建设海军。这些政策大大阻碍了英国资本主义的发展；引起了资产阶级和新贵族的强烈不满。 3．查理一世的专制统治（板书） 查理一世继位后，仍然独断专行。由于议会不同意他随意收税，他竟多次解散议会，结果形成多年无议会统治的局面。王室生活腐化，挥霍无度。国王征收各种苛捐杂税，压榨劳动人民。大量工人失业。农民反对封津压迫，要求取消地租，获得土地，革命运动蓬勃兴起。城市平民和失业的手工业者为生活所迫时常暴动。查理一世的专制统治使英国社会的各种矛盾迅速激化。在人民革命运动的推动下，资产阶级和新贵族为了自己的利益结成联盟，反对封建统治，并取得对运动的领导权。 二、革命战争（板书） 1． 1640年议会斗争和革命开始（板书） 首先起来反抗查理一世统治的。是苏格兰人民起义。l苏格兰和英格兰虽然都由查理一世统治，但苏格兰内政仍保持一定的独立性，与英格兰是两个国家。查理一世把专制统治推行到苏格兰，引起苏格兰人民的愤怒，苏格兰贵族和资产阶级发动了反英战争，并于 1639年攻入英格兰北部。查理一世为了筹划军费；镇压起义，被迫在1640年恢复长期关闭的议会。 提问：请大家设想一下资产阶级与国王参加议会的目的是否相同？他们的主要分歧是什么？ 组织学生排演历史断剧《1640年议会斗争》:模拟英国资产阶级革命中议会斗争的场景。 国王和议会最后决裂1642年，查理一世挑起了内战。新议会的召开，标志着英国资产阶级革命开始。 克伦威尔出身于新贵族，是英国资产阶级革命的领袖，内战爆发后；他组织的"铁骑军"屡建战功。1645年，英国历上第一支常备军组成．即"新模范军"，新模范军在纳西比战役中一举摧垮了国王的主力军。 2．处死查理一世和共和国的成立 内战结束后，在人民的压力下，议会和军队组成最高法庭审判查理一世。判决他为暴君叛徒，杀人犯和国家的敌人。1649年初，查理一世在王宫广场被处决。同年，英国宣布成立共和国，资产阶级和新贵族掌握了政权 3．克伦威尔的独裁统治（板书） 共和国成立后，克伦威尔独揽人权。竭力维持资产阶级和新贵族利益，完全不顾人民的死活。甚至掉过头来，同人民为敌。克伦威尔对内下令镇压掘地派，对外镇压了爱尔兰人民起义。1653 克伦威尔驱散议会，实行军事独裁，就任英格兰、苏格兰和爱尔兰的"护国主"。成了英国的无冕之王，共和国名存实亡了。 4．斯图亚特王朝复辟（板书） 克伦威尔的独裁统治激起了广大人民群众的反抗，克伦威尔病死后，高级军官争权夺利，资产阶级和新贵族为了维护自己的既得利益，同被推翻的斯图亚特王朝达成妥协命运动，1660年5月，流亡法国的查理二世被迎为英国国王，斯图亚特王朝复辟了。 5．1688年政变（板书） 英国宣布为共和国．并不意味着资产阶级和新贵族的统治已经最后确立。被推翻的反动阶级仍在积极进行复辟活动。资产阶级和新贵族为了巩固自己的统治，企图建立一个既能镇压群众又能听命于议会的政府，于是把旧王朝的复辟看作唯一的出路。但是旧王朝复辟后，实行反攻倒算，推行对外依靠法国，对内复辟封建统治的反动政策，既损害了人民利益，也损害了资阶级和新贵族的利益。面对着复辟王朝的高压政策，人民群众从不满发展到武装起义，资产阶级和新贵族，也无法容忍复辟王朝的倒行逆施，迫切要求改变现状。 于1688年发动了政变，推翻了詹姆士二世的复辟王朝。荷兰执政威廉当了英国国王。 6．《权利法案》的颁布和君主立宪制的确立（板书） 为了限制君主的权利，英国议会在1689年通过了《权利法案》。（请学生朗读教材中《权利法案》的内容）（提问） 三、英国资产阶级革命的意义（板书） 【作业&】
试评价克伦威尔 板书设计&： 第15课 英国资产阶级革命一、英国资产阶级革命爆发的原因 1．英国资本主义的发展
2．詹姆士一世鼓吹"君权神授" 3．查理一世的专制统治二、革命战争
1．1640年议会斗争和革命开始
2．处死查理一世和共和国的成立
3．克伦威尔的独裁统治
4．斯图亚特王朝复辟
5．1688年政变
6．《权利法案》的颁布和君主立宪制的确立 三、英国资产阶级革命的意义 &&探究活动 a 组织学生排演历史短剧《1640年议会斗争》 模拟英国资产阶级革命中议会斗争的场景。分别站在查理一世和资产阶级的立场上进行辩论最终矛盾激化，资产阶级革命爆发。这样的活动可以使学生回到300多年前的英国，不自觉的进行角色转换，调动学生参与教学活动的积极性。他们争论的焦点问题也恰恰反映了资产阶级和封建势力的矛盾，对学生理解问题很有帮助。 b 趣味历史知识竞赛
选出学生代表排列英王查理一世，查理二世，詹姆士一世，詹姆士二世的先后顺序并写出与之相关联的历史时间。根据答案正确与否和用时多少选出优胜者。 C 以课后作业&的方式要求学生在网上查找“君主立宪制”和“立宪君主制”的区别及其代表性国家。培养学生上网查找历史资料的能力。
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