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Jean Berko Gleason (born 1931) is a
in the Department of Psychological and Brain Sciences (formerly the Department of Psychology) at , a
who has made fundamental contributions to the understanding of
in children, , gender differences in language development, and parent-child interactions.
Of her Wug Test, by which she demonstrated that even young children possess implicit knowledge of , it has been said, "Perhaps no innovation other than the invention of the tape recorder has had such an indelible effect on the field of child language research", the "wug" (one of the imaginary creatures Gleason drew in creating the Wug Test) being "so basic to what [psycholinguists] know and do that increasingly it appears in the popular literature without attribution to its origins."
With , 1958
Jean Berko was born to Hungarian immigrant parents in . After graduating from
in 1949, Gleason earned a B.A. in history and literature from , then an M.A. in , and a combined Ph.D. in linguistics and , from 1958 to 1959 she was a postdoctoral fellow at . In graduate school she was advised by , a founder in the field of . In January 1959 she married Ha they had three daughters.
Most of Gleason's professional career has been at , where she served as Psychology Department chair and director of the Graduate Program in Applied L
were among her collaborators there. She has been a visiting scholar at , , and at the Linguistics Institute of the . Although officially retired and no longer teaching, she continues to be involved in research.
Gleason is the author or coauthor of some 125 papers on language development in children, language attrition, aphasia, and gender and cultural aspects of language and is editor/coeditor of two widely used textbooks, The Development of Language (first edition 1985, eighth edition 2012) and Psycholinguistics (1993). She is a Fellow of the
and of the , and was president of the
from 1990 to 1993, and of the
1996 to 1999. She has also served on the editorial boards of numerous academic and professional journals, and was associate editor of
from 1997 to 1999.
Gleason was profiled in Beyond the Glass Ceiling: Forty Women Whose Ideas Shape the Modern World (1996). A
in her honor, Methods for Studying Language Production, was published in 2000. Since 2007 she has delivered the "Welcome, welcome" and "Goodbye, goodbye" speeches at the annual
ceremonies.
Children's learning of English morphology—the Wug Test[]
One of Gleason's hand-drawn panels from the original Wug Test (1958)
Gleason devised the Wug Test as part of her earliest research (1958), which used nonsense words to gauge children's acquisition of morphological rules—for example, the "default" rule that most
are formed by adding an /s/, /z/ or /?z/ sounds e.g. hat–hats, eye–eyes, witch–witches. A child is shown simple pictures of an imaginary creature or activity, with a nonsense name, and prompted to complete a statement about it:
This is a WUG. Now there is another one. There are two of them. There are two________.
A critical attribute of the test is that the "target" word be a made-up (but plausible-sounding) , so that the child will never have heard it before. A child who knows that the plural of witch is witches may have heard and memorized that pair, but a child responding that the plural of wug (which he has presumably has never heard) is wugs, has apparently inferred (perhaps unconsciously) the basic rule for forming plurals.
The Wug Test also includes questions involving verb conjugations, possessives, and other common derivational morphemes such as the
-er (e.g. "A man who 'zibs' is a ________?"), and requested explanations of common compound words e.g. "Why is a birthday called a birthday?" Other items included:
This is a dog with QUIRKS onhim. He is all covered in QUIRKS. What kind of a dog ishe? He is a ________dog.
This is a man who knows how to SPOW. He is SPOWING. He did the same thing yesterday? What did he do yesterday? Yesterday he________.
(The expected answers were QUIRKY and SPOWED.)
Gleason's major finding was that even very young children are able to connect suitable endings—to produce plurals, past tenses, possessives, and other forms—to nonsense words they have never heard before, implying that they have already internalized systematic aspects of the linguistic system which no one has necessarily tried to teach them. However, she also identified an earlier stage at which children can produce such forms for real words, but not yet for nonsense words—implying that children start by memorizing singular–plural pairs they hear spoken by others, then eventually extract rules and patterns from these examples which they apply to novel words.
The Wug Test was the first experimental proof that young children have extracted generalizable rules from the language around them, rather than simply memorizing words that they have heard,:2 and it was almost immediately adapted for children speaking languages other than English, to bilingual children, and to children (and adults) with various impairments or from a variety of cultural backgrounds.:3 Its conclusions are viewed as essential to the understanding of when and how children reach major language milestones, and its variations and progeny remain in use worldwide for studies on language acquisition.:8 It is "almost universal" for textbooks in psycholinguistics and language acquisition to include assignments calling for the student to carry out a practical variation of the Wug Test paradigm.:7
The Wug Test's fundamental role in the development of psycholinguistics as a discipline has been mapped by studying references to Gleason's work in "seminal journals" in the field, many of whom carried articles referencing it in their founding issues::4
A review of citation lists [for Gleason's paper] over the years gives an interesting mini-view of the evolution of developmental psycholinguistics... In the first 15 years following publication, the article was extensively cited by researchers attempting to validate its utility and extend its finding to nontypical populations. Over time, however... the fact that almost any human being can do that task... became much less interesting than the question of how it is accomplished.:4
According to Ratner and Menn, "As an enduring concept in psycholinguistic research, the wug has become a generic, like [kleenex] or [xerox], a concept so basic to what we know and do that increasingly it appears in the popular literature without attribution to its origins... Perhaps no innovation other than the invention of the tape recorder has had such an indelible effect on the field of child language research.":8
It has been proposed that Wug Test–like instruments be used in diagnosis of , but in practice success in this direction has been limited.:4
Another of Gleason's early papers "Fathers and Other Strangers: Men's Speech to Young Children" (1975) explored differences between mothers' and fathers' spoken interaction with their children, primarily using data produced by two female and two male daycare teachers at a large university, and by three mothers and three fathers, mostly during family dinners. Among other conclusions, this study found that:
mothers used less-complex constructions in speaking to their child
mothers generated lengthier and more complex constructions in speaking to their eldest child than to th
fathers issued significantly more commands than did mothers, along with more threats and more teasing in the way of name- and
the fathers' language also reflected traditional gender roles in the families (such as in an example in which a father, playing a game with his son, directs the son to the mother when the need for a diaper change arises).
In a fair contrast,[] male and female daycare teachers generated language that was analogous both quantitatively and qualitatively, with both focusing on dialogue based in the present and on the immediate needs of the children. Differences included that the male teachers tended to address the children by name more often than did the female teachers, and that the male teachers issued more
than did the female teachers.
Gleason's research eventually extended into the study of children's acquisition of routines—that is, standardized chunks of language (or language-plus-gesture) that the culture expects of everyone, such as greetings, farewells, and expressions of thanks. Gleason was one of the first to study the acquisition of politeness, examining English-speaking children's use of routines such as thank you, please, and I'm sorry. Researchers in this area have since studied both verbal and non-verbal routinization, and the development of politeness routines in a variety of cultures and languages.
Gleason's 1976 paper with Weintraub, "The Acquisition of Routines in Child Language", analyzed performance on the culturally standardized Halloween
routine in 115 children aged two to sixteen years. Alterations in ability and the function of parental contribution were analyzed concerning cognitive and social components. They discovered that in the acquisition of routines (in contrast to acquisition of much of the rest of language) parents' major interest is for their children achieve accurate performance, with little stress on children's understanding of what they are expected to say. Gleason and Weintraub found that the parents rarely if ever explain to children the meaning of such routines as Bye bye or Trick or treat—there was no concern with the child's thoughts or intentions as long as the routine was performed as expected at the appropriate times. Thus, parents' role in the acquisition of routines is very different from their role in most of the rest of language development.
Gleason and Greif analyzed children's acquisition of three ubiquitous routines in "Hi, Thanks, and Goodbye: More Routine Information" (1980). Subjects were eleven boys and eleven girls[] and their parents (drawn from a larger study of twenty-four children and their parents). At the conclusion of a parent-child play period, an assistant entered the playroom bearing a present, in order to evoke routines from the children. The study's purpose was to analyze how parents communicate these routin major questions proposed included whether or not some routines were more obligatory than others, and whether mothers and fathers provide different models of politeness behavior for their children. The results suggest that children's spontaneous construction of the three routines was low, with Thank you the rarest. However, parents strongly encouraged their children to generate routines and, typically, the children complied. In addition, parents were more likely to prompt the Thank you routine than the Hi and Goodbye routines. Parents practiced the routines themselves, though mothers were more likely than fathers to speak Thank you and Goodbye to the assistant.
Gleason and Ely made an in-depth study of apologies in children's dialogue in their paper, "I'm sorry I said that: apologies in young children's discourse" (2006), which analyzed apology term usage (in parent-child dialogue) of five boys and four girls, aged one to six years. Their research suggested that apologies appear later in children than do other politeness routines, and that as the children grew older they developed a progressively refined expertise with this routine, gradually requiring fewer direct prompts and producing more elaborate apologies instead of just saying "I'm sorry". They also found that parents and other adults play an important role in fostering growth of apologetic abilities through the setting of examples, by encouraging the children to apologize, and by speaking specifically and purposefully to them about apologies.
With Ely, MacGibbon, and Zaretsky, Gleason also explored the discourse of middle-class parents and their children at the dinner table in, "Attention to Language: Lessons Learned at the Dinner Table" (2001), finding that the everyday language of these parents involves a remarkable portion of attention to language. The dinner-table conversation of twenty-two middle-class families, each with a child between two years and five and one-half years old, were recorded, then analyzed for the existence and activity of language-centered terms, including words like ask, tell, say, and speak. Mothers spoke more about language than did fathers, and fathers spoke more about it than did children: roughly eleven percent of mothers' sentences contained one or more language-centered term, and the corresponding proportions for fathers and children were seven percent and four percent. Uses that were metalinguistic (for example, accounting for and remarking on speech) exceeded uses that were pragmatic (for example, managing how and when speech appears).
The more that mothers used language-centered terms, the more the children did as well—but this was not true for fathers. The results imply that in routine family conversations, parents supply children with considerable information on the way language is used to communicate information.
Gleason has carried out significant research involving the learning and maintenance of second languages by . She has studied the acquisition of a second language while retaining the first (additive bilingualism), examining discourse behaviors of parents who follow the one person-one language principle by using different languages with their child She has also studied language attrition, the loss of a known language through lack of use, and suggests that the order in which a language is learned is less important in predicting its retention than the thoroughness with which it is learned.
An unusual study carried out with Harris and Aycicegi, " and reprimands elicit greater autonomic reactivity in a first language than in a second language" (2003), investigated the involuntary
reactions of bilingual speakers to taboo words. Thirty-two Turkish-English bilinguals judged an array of words and phrases for "pleasantness" in
(their first language), and in English (their second), while their
was monitored via fingertip electrodes. Participants manifested greater
in response to taboo words and childhood reprimands in their first language than to those in their second language, confirming the commonplace claim that speakers of two languages are less uncomfortable speaking taboo words and phrases in their second language than in their native language.
In "Maintaining Foreign Language Skills", which discusses "the personal, cultural, and instructional factors involved with keeping up foreign language skills" (1988), Gleason and Pan consider both humans' remarkable capacity for language acquisition language, and their ability to lose it. In addition to brain damage, strokes, trauma and other physical causes of language loss, individuals may lose of language skills due to the absence of a linguistically supportive social environment in which to maintain such skills, such as when a speaker of a given language relocates to a place where that language is not spoken. Culture also factors in. More often than not, individuals speaking two or more languages come into contact with one another, for reasons ranging from emigration and interrelationships to alterations in political borders. The result of such contact is typically that the community of speakers undergoes a progressive shift in usage from one language to the other.
Gleason has also done significant research on , a condition (usually due to ) in which a person's ability to understand and/or to produce language, including their ability to find the words they need and their use of basic morphology and syntax, is impaired in a variety of ways.
In "Some Linguistic Structures in the Speech of a Broca's Aphasic" (1972) Gleason, Goodglass, Bernholtz, and Hyde discuss an experiment carried out with a man who, after a , had been left with /, a specific form of aphasia typically impairing the production of morphology and syntax more than it impairs comprehension. This experiment employed the
(often used to probe a subject's capacity for producing various common grammatical forms) as well as free conversation and repetition to elicit spe this speech was then analyzed to evaluate how well he used inflectional morphology (e.g. plural and past tense word endings) and basic syntax (the formation of, for example, simple , , and
sentences).
To do this the investigator, in a few sentences, began a simple story about a pictured situation, then asked the subject to conclude the narrative. The stories were so designed that a non–language-impaired person's response would typically employ particular structures, for example the plural of a noun, the past tense of a verb, or a simple but complete yes-no question (e.g. "Did you take my shoes?").
Gleason, Goodglass, Bernholtz, and Hyde concluded that the transition from verb to object was easier for this subject than was the transition from subject to verb, and that
were the parts of speech most likely to be omitted by the subject. There was considerable variation among consecutive repeat trials of the same test item, although responses on successive attempts usually came closer to those a normal speaker would have produced. The study concluded that the subject's speech was not the product of a stable abnormal grammar, and could not be accounted for by assuming that he was simply omitting words to minimize his effort in producing them—questions of significant theoretical controversy at the time.
Very young children are baffled by the question, sometimes responding with two wug. Preschoolers ages 4 to 5 test best in dealing with /z/ after a voiced consonant, and generally say that there are two wugs, with a /z/; they do almost as well with the voiceless /s/. They do less well in dealing with /z/ in other environments such as after , , and vowels. Children in the first year of
were almost fully competent with both /s/ and /z/. Both preschool and first-grade children dealt poorly with /?z/, giving the correct answer less than half the time, possibly because it occurs in the most restrictive context. Also, because the root of the test word often ended in /s/ in these cases, the children may have assumed that the word was already in its plural form. Even though the children were all able to produce the real plural "glasses" they generally responded two "tass" rather than two "tasses" when shown more than one nonsense creature called a "tass".
Preschoolers tend to form compounds rather than agentives e.g. a man whose job it is to "zib" is a zibman, and often explain compound words in terms of their cultural, rather than linguistic, features e.g. a birthday is called birthday because one receives presents.
In chronological order
Brown, R.; Berko, J. (1960). "Word Association and the acquisition of grammar". Child Development 31: 1–14.
Goodglass, H.; Berko, J. (1960). "Agrammatism and English inflectional morphology". Journal of Speech and Hearing Research 3: 257–267.
Goodglass, H.; Gleason, J.B Hyde, M. (1970). "Some dimensions of auditory language comprehension in aphasia". Journal of Speech and Hearing Research 13 (3): 595–606. (Editor's Award)[]
Goodglass, H.; Gleason, J.B Bernholtz, N.A.; Hyde, M.R. (1972). "Some linguistic structures in the speech of a Broca's aphasic". Cortex 8: 191–212.
Gleason, J.Berko (1973). T. Moore, ed. "Code Switching in Children's Language". Cognitive Development and the Acquisition of Language (Academic Press): 169–167.[].
Gleason, J.B Goodglass, H.; Green, E.; Ackerman, N.; Hyde, M.R. (1975). "The retrieval of syntax in Broca's aphasia". Brain and Language 2: 451–71.
Gleason, J.Berko (1975). "Fathers and Other Strangers: Men's speech to Young Children". 26th Annual Georgetown University Roundtable (Georgetown University Press): 289–97.
Gleason, J.B Weintraub, S. (1976). "The acquisition of routines in child language". Language in Society 5: 129–36.
Gleason, J.Berko (1977). C. F C. Snow, eds. "Talking to Children: Some Notes on Feedback". Talking to Children: Language Acquisition and Input (Cambridge University Press): 199–205.
Gleason, J.Berko (1978). A. C E. Zurif, eds. "The Acquisition and Dissolution of the English Inflectional System". Parallels and Divergencies (The Johns Hopkins University Press).
Gleason, J.B Weintraub, S. (1978). K. Nelson, ed. "Input Language and the Acquisition of Communicative Competence". Children's Language (Gardner Press) 1: 171–222.
Gleason, J.Berko (1979). O. G M. King, eds. "Sex differences in the language of children and parents: The early evidence". Language, Children, and Society (Pergamon Press).
Goodglass, H.; Blumstein, S.; Gleason, J.B Green, E.; Hyde, M.; Statlender, S. (1979). "The effect of syntactic encoding on sentence comprehension in aphasia". Brain and Language 77: 201–9.
Gleason, J.B Goodglass, H.; Obler, L.; Green, E.; Hyde, M.R.; Weintraub, S. (1980). "Narrative strategies of aphasic and normal speaking subjects". Journal of Speech and Hearing Research 2: 370–382.
Masur, E.; Gleason, J.Berko (1980). "Parent child interaction and the acquisition of lexical information during play". Developmental Psychology 16: 404–9.
Gleason, J.Berko (1980). H. G W.P. R P.M. Smith, eds. "The acquisition of social speech and politeness formulae". Language: Social Psychological Perspectives (Pergamon Press): 21–7.
Greif, E.B.; Gleason, J.Berko (1980). "Hi, thanks, and goodbye: More routine information". Language in Society 9: 159–66.
Gleason, J.Berko (1980). "Reflections: The child as informer". Language Arts, May.
Bellinger, D.; Gleason, J.Berko (1982). "Sex differences in parental directives to young children". Journal of Sex Roles 8 (11): 1123–39.
Gleason, J.Berko (1982). L. O L. Menn, eds. "Converging evidence for linguistic theory from the study of aphasia and child language". Exceptional Language and Linguistics (Academic Press).
Gleason, J.B Greif, E.B. (1983). B. T C. K N. Henley, eds. "Men's speech to young children". Language, Gender, and Society (2nd ed.) (Rowley, MA: Newbury House): 140–150.
Gleason, J.B Goodglass, H. (1984). "Some neurological and linguistic accompaniments of the fluent and nonfluent aphasias". Topics in Language Disorders 4 (3): 71–81.
Gleason, J.B Perlmann, R.Y.; Greif, E.B. (1984). "What's the magic word: Learning language through routines". Discourse Processes 6 (2): 493–502.
Gleason, J.Berko (1984). "Exceptional routes to language acquisition. Review of K. Nelson (Ed.), Children's Language". Contemporary Psychology 29 (1): 32–3.
Gleason, J.Berko, ed. (1985). The Development of Language. Columbus, OH: Charles E. Merrill.
Gleason, J.B Perlmann, R. Y. (1985). H. G R.N. StClair, eds. "Acquiring social variation in speech". Recent Advances in Language, Communication, and Social Psychology (London: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates): 86–111.
Gleason, J.B Reger, Z. (1985). J. Grumet, ed. "Aspects of Language Acquisition by Hungarian Gypsy Children". Papers from the Fourth and Fifth Annual Meetings, Gypsy Lore Society, North American Chapter (New York: Gypsy Lore Society): 76–83.
Pan, B.A Gleason, J.Berko (Sep 1986). "The study of language loss: Models and hypotheses for an emerging discipline". Applied Psycholinguistics 7 (3): 193–206. :.
Menn, L.; Gleason, J.Berko (1986). J.A. Fishman et al., ed. "Babytalk as a stereotype and register: Adult reports of children's speech patterns". The Fergusonian Impact (Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter) I: 111–125.
Kohn, S.E.; Wingfield, A.; Menn, L.; Goodglass, H.; Gleason, J.B.; Hyde, M.H. (1987). "Lexical retrieval: The tip of the tongue phenomenon". Applied Psycholinguistics 8: 245–66.
Gleason, J.Berko (1988). F. Kessel, ed. "Language and socialization". The Development of Language and Language Researchers (Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates): 269–80.
Gleason, J.B Wolf, M. (1988). "Child language, aphasia, and language disorder: Naming as a window on normal and atypical language processes". Aphasiology 2: 289–94.
Gleason, J.B Pan, B.A. (1988). J.Berko Gleason, ed. "Maintaining foreign language skills". You CAN Take It With You (Prentice Hall Regents): 1–22.
Gleason, J.Berko (1991). "Language without Cognition". Science 1252: 116–20.
Gleason, J.B Ratner, N.Bernstein, eds. (1993). "Psycholinguistics". Harcourt, Brace.
Perlmann, R.Y.; Gleason, J.Berko (1993). "The neglected role of fathers in children's communicative development". Seminars in Speech and Language 14: 314–24.
Gleason, J.B Perlmann, R.Y.; Ely, D.; Evans, D. (1994). J.L. S C.E. Snow, eds. "The babytalk register: Parents' use of diminutives". Handbook of Research in Language Development Using CHILDES (Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates).
Gleason, J.Berko (1994). "The furnishings of the mind are modular". Contemporary Psychology 39 (3): 314–15.
Gleason, J.Berko (1994). C. R S. J C. Miller, eds. "Sex differences in parent-child interaction". The Women and Language Debate (Rutgers University Press): 254–63.
Tingley, E.; Gleason, J.Berko.; Hooshyar, N. (1994). "Mothers' lexicon of internal state words in speech to children with Down syndrome and to nonhandicapped children at mealtime". Journal of Communication Disorders 27: 135–55.
Ely, R.; Gleason, J.Berko (1995). P. F B. MacWhinney, eds. "Socialization across contexts". The Handbook of Child Language (Oxford: Blackwell): 251–70.
Ely, R.; Gleason, J.B McCabe, A. (1996). ""Why didn't you talk to your Mommy, Honey?": Parents' and children's talk about talk". Research on Language and Social Interaction 29 (1): 7–25.
Gleason, J. B Ely, R.; Perlmann, R.Y.; Narasimhan, B. (1996). D.I. S J. G A. Kyratzis et al., eds. "Patterns of prohibition in parent-child discourse". Social interaction, social context, and language: Essays in honor of Susan Ervin-Tripp (Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates): 205–217.
Leaper, C.; Gleason, J.Berko (1996). "The relationship of play activity and gender to parent and child sex-typed communication". International Journal of Behavioral Development 19: 689–703.
Goodglass, H.; Wingfield, A.; Hyde, M.R.; Gleason, J.B.; Bowles, N.L.; Gallagher, R.E. (1997). "The importance of word-initial phonology in prolonged naming efforts by aphasic patients". Journal of the International Neuropsychological Society 3: 128–38.
Gleason, J.B Ely, R. (1997). C. M A. McCabe, eds. "Input and the acquisition of vocabulary: Examining the parental lexicon". The Problem of Meaning: Behavioral and Cognitive Perspectives (Elsevier).
Gleason, J.B Ratner, N.Bernstein., eds. (1998 (Published November 1997)). Psycholinguistics (2nd ed.). Harcourt Brace.
Gleason, J.B Melzi, G. (1998). "The mutual construction of narrative by mothers and children: Cross cultural observations". Journal of Narrative and Life History 7 (1–4): 217–22.
Ely, R.; Gleason, J.Berko (1998). A. Aksu-Ko; E. Erguvanli-T A. Sumru Ozsoy et al., eds. "What Color is the Cat? Color Words in Parent-Child Conversations". Perspectives on Language Acquisition: Selected Papers from the VIIth International Congress for the Study of Child Language (Istanbul: Bogazici University).
Ely, R.; Gleason, J.B MacGibbon, A.; Zaretsky, E. (2001). "Attention to Language: Lessons Learned at the Dinner Table". Social Development 10 (3): 355–73.
Goodglass, H.; Wingfield, A.; Hyde, M.R.; Gleason, J.B Ward, S.E. (2001). "Aphasics' access to nouns and verbs: Discourse vs. confrontation naming". Brain and Language 79 (1): 148–50.
Gleason, J.Berko (2003). "Language Acquisition: Is it Like Learning to Walk, or Learning to Play the Piano?". Contemporary Psychology 48 (2): 172–4.
Harris, C.H.; Aycicegi, A.; Gleason, J.Berko (2003). G. A B.H. Smith, eds. "Taboo Words and Reprimands Elicit Greater Autonomic Reactivity in a First than in a Second Language". Applied Psycholinguistics (CD-ROM) (3rd ed.) (Elsevier Science) 24: 561–579.
Ely, R.; Gleason, J.Berko (2006). "I'm sorry I said that: Apologies in young children's discourse". Journal of Child Language 33: 599–620.
Gleason, J.B Ely, R.; Phillips, B.; Zaretsky, E. (2009). D. G E. Lieven, eds. "Alligators all around: The acquisition of animal terms in English and Russian". Crosslinguistic Approaches to the Psychology of Language: Research in the Tradition of Dan Isaac Slobin (Hillsdale, N.J.: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates).
Gleason, J.B Ratner, Nan Bernstein, eds. (2009). "The Development of Language" (7th ed.). Boston: Pearson/Allyn & Bacon.
Lise M Nan Bernstein Ratner (2000). Lise M Nan Bernstein Ratner, eds. In the Beginning Was the Wug. Methods for Studying Language Production (Lawrence Erlbaum Associates). pp. 1–26.  .
Bonvillain, N. (1993). Language, culture, and communication: the meaning of messages. Prentice Hall.  .
Gleason, Jean Berko (2007). ). Cram101 textbook outlines to accompany: the development of language. Academic Internet Publishers.
Sian Griffiths and Helena Kennedy, ed. (1996). . Manchester University Press.  .
Skarabela, Barbora (July 2006). . IASCL – Child Language Bulletin 26 (1) 2014.
Gleason, Jean B Ratner, Nan Bernstein, eds. (2009).
(7th ed.). Boston: Pearson.   2014.
. NPR. November 26, 2010.
Berko, Jean (1958). . Word: 150–177.
Balota, David A.; Marsh, Elizabeth J., eds. (2004). . Hove ; New York, N.Y.: Psychology press. p. 526.  .
Nancy Rosenbaum (October 30, 2011). . On Being.
Karmiloff, K Karmiloff-Smith, Annette (2001), Pathways to Language: From Fetus to Adolescent, Harvard University Press,  
Gleason, Jean Berko. (1975) "Fathers and other strangers: men's speech to young children". In Daniel P. Dato, ed., Developmental Psycholinguistics: Theory and Applications. Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press.
Gleason, Jean Berko (1975). "Fathers and Other Strangers: Men's speech to Young Children". 26th Annual Roundtable: 289–297.
Matthews, Danielle, ed. (2014). . Philadelphia, PA: John Benjamins Publishing Company. p. 324.  .
Gleason, Jean B Weintraub (1976). "The acquisition of routines in child language". Language in Society: 5, 129, 136.
Gleason, Jean B Greif (1980). "Hi, Thanks, and Goodbye: More Routine Information". Language in Society: 9, 159–166.
Gleason, Jean B Ely (2006). "I'm sorry I said that: apologies in young children's discourse". Journal of Child Language: 33, 599–620.
Gleason, Jean B Ely, MacGibbon & Zaretsky (2001). "Attention to Language: Lessons Learned at the Dinner Table". Social Development 10.3: 5, 129–136.
Duarte, Joana (2010). . Munster: Waxmann. p. 32.  .
Halliday, M.A.K., ed. (1990). . Amsterdam: Benjamins.  .
Clark, Eve V. (2003). First language acquisition. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.  .
Schmid, Monika S. (2002). . Amsterdam: J. Benjamins. p. 13.  .
Gleason, Jean B Harris & Aycicegi (2003). "Taboo Words and Reprimands Elicit Greater Autonomic Reactivity in a First than in a Second Language". Applied Pyscholinguistics: 1–22.
Gleason, Jean B Pan (1988). "Maintaining Foreign Language Skills". You CAN Take It with You: 1–22.
Menn, Lise, ed. (1990). . Amsterdam: J. Benjamins.  .
Rosenberg, Sheldon (1982). . Hillsdale, N.J.: L. Erlbaum Associates.  .
Gleason, Jean B Goodglass, Bernholtz, Hyde (1972). "Some Linguistic Structures in the Speech of a Broca's Aphasic". Cortex: 191–212.
Miceli, Gabriele (1998). Gianfranco D Luigi Pizzamiglio, eds. "Grammatical deficits in aphasia". Handbook of Clinical and Experimental Neuropsychology (Psychology Press).
Gleason discusses her education, career, and the Wug Test
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